O’Donnell explains that these democracies are not consolidated (institutionalized), are not completely representative, yet are not at risk of turning into an authoritarian regime A … Schmitter; ... the article distinguishes between four diminished sub- types of defective democracy: exclusive democracy, illiberal democracy, delegative democracy and … He also remarks that in delegative democracies, there is high vertical accountability, but relatively no horizontal accountability. Abandoning individuality and expecting at least mild support no matter what, is more indicative of a repressive regime than a democratic regime. In O’Donnell’s delegative democracy, the president who wins a compelling electoral victory at a time of socioeconomic crisis claims an extraordinary mandate to ask for delegation of powers (usually emergency powers) that properly belong to other branches, or to arrogate more powers for himself. Even if a president is democratically elected by a majority of the people, it does not mean that he or she will end up working completely for the people. In his well-known work on delegative democracies, O’Donnell introduces a conceptual framework to analyze a “new species,” a new type of democracy (O’Donnell, 1994, p.55). This renders institutions almost completely useless to the people and closely resembles an authoritarian regime.The second requirement that I believe is not totally met is freedom of expression.

On the other hand, delegative democracies, though enduring, fail to do so and instead fall into a pervasive cycle of discontent and crisis, driven by inherited social and economic problems. In: Journal of Democracy. This requirement is very vague, and could technically be met just by offering citizens the right to express their opinions through voting. This understanding of the term ‘delegative democracy’ is close to the definition used by Guillermo O'Donnell, ‘Delegative Democracy’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.5, No.1 (1994), pp.55–69. O'Donnell's model fails to explain why some presidents have been more successful than others in promoting economic reform, and it underestimates the importance of the politico-institutional settings in which these reforms take place. While in previous readings the emphasis has been on the way transitions from authoritarian regimes to democracies have been handled, in this writing, O’Donnell argues that more decisive influences include historical factors and the severity of socioeconomic factors inherited by the previous regime.

O’Donnell asserts that Congress and the Judiciary are seen as a nuisance to the fulfillment of the president’s orders.1.

This implies a strong imbalance in power between the branches of government and show that the president’s actions are almost completely free from consequence or action by other branches. O’Donnell highlights that the key difference between representative democracies and delegative democracies are that after the first phase of transition from authoritarian to democratic, representative democracies undergo a second phase in which the democracy is consolidated due to intentional building of effective political institutions. Neither text, nor links to other websites, is reviewed or endorsed by The Ohio State University.Thoughts, critiques, and musings on Latin American politics… O’Donnell highlights that the key difference between representative democracies and delegative democracies are that after the first phase of transition from authoritarian to democratic, representative democracies undergo a second phase in which the democracy is consolidated due to intentional building of effective political institutions. Als defekte Demokratie werden in der vergleichenden Politikwissenschaft politische Systeme bezeichnet, in denen zwar demokratische Wahlen stattfinden, die jedoch gemessen an den normativen Grundlagen liberaler Demokratien (Teilhaberechte, Freiheitsrechte, Gewaltenkontrolle etc.) , Defekte Demokratien (note 19). I (I994), p. 59. Literatur. Weblinks. However, I would argue that freedom of expression includes the ability of the people to express their opinions through speech, organization, etc. These crises are defined by politicians focusing on short-term solutions, assumptions that human beings will behave rationally, and in a ‘disaggregated manner.’While O’Donnell certainly bring up a good point that democracies depend on institutions to effectively handle national problems, he only vaguely outlines what those institutions are and barely touches on how a government could go about undertaking the second phase of democratic transition. The first requirement that I do not think is met by delegative democracies is the ability of institutions to work for citizens based on voter’s preferences. O’Donnell makes a troubling remark regarding the expectations for the people after a president has been elected: “voters are supposed to choose, irrespective of their identities and affiliations, the individual who is most fit to take responsibility of the country… after the election, voters/delegators are expected to become a passive, but cheering audience of what the president does.” This caveat insinuates that the people’s freedom of expression begins and ends with voting, and that even their vote is supposed to be independent of their personal motives and beliefs. Delegative Democracy.

Guillermo O’Donnell in his publication of “Delegative Democracy,” takes an alternative viewpoint as to why certain democracies fail to consolidate. Is horizontal accountability necessary for democracy? The suspicious death of Alberto Nisman lends credibility to the assertion that Argentina, under the rule of President Fernandez, continues to exist as a delegative rather than representative democracy.