Sadr was very hesitant to join the protests for several reasons. These events fed into the nationalist label he always pushed for. Others, including former Sadrist Ghaith al-Tamimi, who is well-known for his public criticism of Iran, expressed sorrow for Sadr’s recent appearance with Soleimani: “Even though you don’t feel comfortable, as it appears, your value and your fate have depreciated among the Iraqis.” In response to Soleimani’s Tweet,Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, Muqtada al-Sadr has been considered as one of the most prominent and influential Shiite religious and political figures in Iraq. Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and Muqtada al-Sadr during Ashura in Tehran, September 10, 2019.SalamPix/ABACA/ABACA/PA Images. Sadr’s alliance with Iran later on turned into a rivalry as various break ups from his own organization were separately empowered by Iran.

Al-Sadr (aged 46) was born in Najaf, Iraq, and he comes from a respected family from the Shiite community in Iraq.Muqtada al-Sadr established the Al-Mahdi army, which was involved in clashes with Western coalition forces in Iraq. Nevertheless, the international community is witnessing a gradual progress in differentiating between the Iraqi protests against corruption and sectarianism, and the protests led by pro-Iran groups to divert attention away from the former.Sadrists claimed that the Iraqi protests will lack logistical support, protection and decrease in numbers.

Browse The Independent’s complete collection of articles and commentary on Muqtada al-Sadr.

All the latest breaking news on Muqtada al-Sadr. In May 2018, al-Sadr expressed his firm opposition to Iranian or U.S. intervention in the establishment of the new Iraqi government. Today, the regime has promoted conservative personalities such as Ebrahim Raisi, Chief Justice of Iran, who supports a clerical government. A lot of Iraqi blood has been spilled in these absurd wars.”It is possible that during his visit to Iran and his well-photographed meetings with Khamenei, commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Salami, and Soleimani, commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, that al-Sadr is signaling that at the present time, when Iraq is facing many dangers threatening its security, he is the central personality of the Shiite community in Iraq. However, his interpretation of separating religion and state is less rigid than that of the senior cleric. Al-Sadr feels that Abdul-Mahdi cannot successfully deal with the negative fall-out from the continuing independent operations of the Shiite militia on Iraqi soil, the crisis between Iran and the United States, and the possible “disastrous” ramifications on Iraq and its citizens.At home, it is possible that the visit is also intended to reinforce his position in terms of Ammar al-Hakim, leader of the “National Wisdom Movement.” The al-Sadr and al-Hakim families have a long history of rivalry over the leadership of the Shiite community in Iraq from the religious, political, and military points of view.

A noticeable example is Asa’eb ahlul Haq, led by prominent pro-Iran Iraqi militia leader and politician Qais al-Khazali. Introduction. Anti-government protest camps torched and activists attacked as influential cleric turns against protesters . Sadr showed a clear divergence from Iran, leaning more toward the Arab world and calling for Iraq to return to its Arab environment.

The militia was accused by many international NGOs and human rights agencies of leading targeted assassinations against Sunni Iraqis which led to their displacement from many areas in Baghdad and other provinces.It is believed that his targeting of Sunnis was a reactionary sprout following the bombing of Al-Askari Mosque, a prominent Shia tomb in Samarra. “Iraq will not allow this.